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The False Memory
Debate
Research Discussing Corroboration and Accuracy of Recovered Memories: An
Annotated Bibliography
By Lynn Crook, August, 2002
Andrews, B., Brewin, C., Ochera, J., Morton, J., Bekerian, D., Davies, G., and
Mollon, P. (1999). Characteristics, context and consequences of memory recovery
among adults in therapy. Brit J Psychiatry 175:141-146.
Abstract: One-hundred and eight therapists provided information on all clients
with recovered memories seen in the past three years, and were interviewed in
detail on up to three such clients. Of a total of 690 clients, therapists
reported that 65% recalled child sexual abuse and 35% recalled other traumas,
32% started recovering memories before entering therapy. According to
therapists' accounts, among the 236 detailed client cases, very few appeared
improbable and corroboration was reported in 41%. Most (78%) of the clients'
initial recovered memories either preceded therapy or preceded the use of memory
recovery techniques used by the respondents. Techniques seemed to be used more
to help the clients to elaborate the memories than to facilitate their initial
recovery. Clients with whom techniques had been used before the first reported
memory recovery were no less likely to have found corroborating evidence than
clients with whom no techniques had been used before memory recovery. Some of
the data are consistent with memories being of iatrogenic origin, but other data
clearly point to the need for additional explanations.
Bagley, C. (1995). The prevalence and mental health sequels of child sexual
abuse in community sample of women aged 18 to 27. Child sexual abuse and mental
health in adolescents and adults. Aldershot: Avebury.
Abstract: Study of women 18-24 years who had been removed from home 10 years
previously by social services due to intrafamilial sexual abuse. Of the 19 women
for whom there was evidence of serious sexual abuse, 14 remembered events
corresponding to their records. Two remembered that abuse had taken place but
could recall no specific details, and three had no memory. Two of the last three
described long blank periods for the memory of childhood corresponding to the
age when abuse had taken place.
Bull, D. (1999). A verified case of recovered memories of sexual abuse. American
Journal of Psychotherapy, 53(2), 221-224.
Abstract: A case is presented that shows verifiable evidence of repression at
work. Rachel, a 40-year-old woman with no history of mental illness and ten
years of exemplary professional work, recovers memories of childhood sexual
abuse by her father through a call from her youth pastor in whom she had
confided as an adolescent.
Chu JA, Frey LM, Ganzel BL, Matthews JA. (1999). Memories of childhood abuse:
Dissociation, amnesia, and corroboration. Am J Psychiatry 156(5):749-755.
OBJECTIVE: This study investigated the relationship between self-reported
childhood abuse and dissociative symptoms and amnesia. The presence or absence
of corroboration of recovered memories of childhood abuse was also studied.
METHOD: Participants were 90 female patients admitted to a unit specializing in
the treatment of trauma-related disorders. Participants completed instruments
that measured dissociative symptoms and elicited details concerning childhood
physical abuse, sexual abuse, and witnessing abuse. Participants also underwent
a structured interview that asked about amnesia for traumatic experiences, the
circumstances of recovered memory, the role of suggestion in recovered memories,
and independent corroboration of the memories.
RESULTS: Participants reporting any type of childhood abuse demonstrated
elevated levels of dissociative symptoms that were significantly higher than
those in subjects not reporting abuse. Higher dissociative symptoms were
correlated with early age at onset of physical and sexual abuse and more
frequent sexual abuse. A substantial proportion of participants with all types
of abuse reported partial or complete amnesia for abuse memories. For physical
and sexual abuse, early age at onset was correlated with greater levels of
amnesia. Participants who reported recovering memories of abuse generally
recalled these experiences while at home, alone, or with family or friends.
Although some participants were in treatment at the time, very few were in
therapy sessions during their first memory recovery. Suggestion was generally
denied as a factor in memory recovery. A majority of participants were able to
find strong corroboration of their recovered memories.
CONCLUSIONS: Childhood abuse, particularly chronic abuse beginning at early
ages, is related to the development of high levels of dissociative symptoms
including amnesia for abuse memories. This study strongly suggests that
psychotherapy usually is not associated with memory recovery and that
independent corroboration of recovered memories of abuse is often present.
Corwin, D. & Olafson, E. (1997). Videotaped discovery of a reportedly
unrecallable memory of child sexual abuse: Comparison with a childhood interview
taped 11 years before. Child Maltreatment, 2(2), 91-112.
Summary: This article presents a unique case involving the recovery of traumatic
memory by a 17-year-old victim of documented child sexual abuse. The authors
present the history, verbatim transcripts, and behavioral observations of a
child's disclosure of sexual abuse to Dr. David Corwin in 1984 and the
spontaneous return of that reportedly unrecallable memory during an interview
with Dr. Corwin 11 years later. Both the child's disclosure at age 6 and the
young woman's sudden recall of the abuse at age 17 after several years of
reported inability to recall the experience are recorded on videotape. This
article includes transcripts of the interviews at ages 6 and 17.
The case was originally referred to Corwin for a court-appointed evaluation of
allegations of sexual and physical abuse. The father was accusing the mother of
having sexually and physically abused their daughter (Jane Doe). Corwin had
three interviews with the child and also met with both parents. The evaluation
along with previous documentation (Jane was seen for burns to the bottom of both
feet after her mother punished her by burning them) strongly supported the
child's allegation of both physical and sexual abuse by her mother. Jane made
consistent statements regarding the identity of her sexual abuser and the nature
of the abuse in all three forensic interviews. Her accounts included sensory
detail and she reported detailed maternal threats not to disclose. In her first
interview, her disclosure was spontaneous and not in response to a question
directed to sexual abuse. In addition to the interviews, the records included
protective services reports, court declarations by the parents, pleadings, court
decisions, reports by prior evaluators and therapists, letters from Jane's
parents, friends, and relatives, and Jane's medical records.
Parental behavior during the interviews was also consistent with the mother
having abused Jane. Before each parent left the room, Corwin asked each one to
tell Jane to tell him the truth about anything he asked her. The father did so
with ease. However, instead of telling Jane to tell the truth, her mother asked
her to repeat what they had been talking about that morning. Psychological
testing of the mother was consistent with the mother having a dissociative
disorder. In addition, psychological testing on Jane's mother indicated
impulsivity, inadequate judgment, and problems with perception and thinking. The
father's psychological testing indicated emotional constraint but found no
problems with perception and thinking. Based on the weight of the evidence the
court gave Jane's father full custody and denied visitation Jane's mother.
Jane was close to her father. However, at age 16 Jane was placed in foster care
after her father had a stroke and was placed in a nursing home. Jane's foster
mother recounts Jane's difficult and rebellious early adolescence. Jane resumed
contact with her mother during this time. After her father's death, Jane wanted
a closer relationship with her mother. Jane no longer had any memory of the
abuse but did remember that she had alleged abuse. Her mother denied the abuse
allegations and told Jane that her allegations were based on pressure by her
father so he could get custody of her. Jane contacted Dr. Corwin and told him
that she would like to see the videotapes of herself because she was unable to
recall the actual events. Jane said: "I've chosen to believe that my real mom
didn't do anything, even though I don't really remember if she did or not."
Before showing her the videotape, Corwin asks Jane to remember everything that
she can about her interviews with him at age 6. Corwin asks her if she remembers
"anything about the concerns about sexual abuse." Jane says: "No. I mean, I
remember that was part of the accusation, but I don't remember anything--wait a
minute, yeah, I do." Corwin asks her what she remembers. Jane responds, "My
gosh, that's really, really weird." This is followed by tears and Jane's speech
becoming choked up. Jane remembers the pain of her mother vaginally penetrating
with her finger during bath time. Jane only remembers only one instance of this
happening and wonders if it was an intentional act. Jane also remembers making
accusations about her mother photographing her with her older brother and
selling the pictures.
Corwin then shows Jane the videotapes of his interviews with her when she was 6
years old. After watching the videotapes, Jane believes that the child on the
tapes was telling the truth, but still wants to believe that maybe her mother
hurt her accidentally and that she made it out to be worse then it really was.
The authors discuss the case noting that Jane remembered the accusation and the
act of being digitally penetrated in the bathtub accurately. However, she also
remembers an making an accusation that she never in fact madethe one about her
mother taking and selling pictures of her and her brother (a search of available
records located no allegations by Jane about her mother taking pictures). It is
not known whether such an event occurred and was not recorded or if a memory
contaminant attached itself to an otherwise accurate recollection. After
recalling her mother's abuse and viewing the tapes, Jane states that she wishes
to continue seeing her mother and notes that she does not yet know what her
feelings are about what she has remembered.
Dahlenberg, C. (1996, Summer) Accuracy, timing and circumstances of disclosure
in therapy of recovered and continuous memories of abuse. The Journal of
Psychiatry and Law.
Abstract: Seventeen patients who had recovered memories of abuse in therapy
participated in a search for evidence confirming or refuting these memories.
Memories of abuse were found to be equally accurate whether recovered or
continuously remembered. Predictors of number of memory units for which evidence
was uncovered included several measures of memory and perceptual accuracy.
Recovered memories that were later supported arose in psychotherapy more
typically during periods of positive rather than negative feelings toward the
therapist, and they were more likely to be held with confidence by the abuse
victim.
Duggal S, Stroufe LA. (1998). Recovered memory of childhood sexual trauma: A
documented case from a longitudinal study. Journal of Traumatic Stress 11(2):
301-21.
Summary: A child with documented history of sexual abuse, who had no recall of
this event in extensive interviews as a teenager, recalls memories outside of
therapy at age 19. Includes prospective and restrospective data, multiple
corroboration of sexual trauma in early childhood, prospective evidence of
memory loss in oral and written measures in consecutive assessments, and
evidence of spontaneous recovery of memory.
Duggal, S., & Sroufe, L. A. (1998). Recovered memory of childhood sexual trauma:
A documented case from a longitudinal study. Journal of Trauma Stress,11(2),
301-321.
This account contains the first available prospective report of memory loss in a
case in which there is both documented evidence of trauma and evidence of
recovery of memory. The subject "Laura" participated in a prospective
longitudinal large-scale study of children followed closely from birth to
adulthood which was not focused on memory for trauma. Laura spontaneously
reported a recovered memory during a routine interview. The memory was
corroborated by historical records of a therapist who worked with the family
when the subject was 4 years old. There was abundant evidence suggesting that
Laura was being abused by her father during visitations. However, there was no
report of penetration, only fondling. Without physical evidence, CPS did not
feel there was enough evidence to prosecute the father. However, because the
father was a drug addict and alcoholic, it was decided that Laura would only see
her father during supervised visitations. As a young child, Laura entered
short-term therapy to deal with her anxiety and anger towards her father along
with her sexualized and regressive behaviors. Evidence in the historical records
shows that Laura's memory for the abuse persisted until she was at least age 8.
The last clear evidence of memory of trauma is in the therapy records from third
grade. Her mother did not discuss the abuse unless Laura brought up the subject.
As a result, the subject was not discussed again.
At age 16, Laura filled out a questionnaire which asked if she had ever been
sexually abused. At this time, Laura indicated in writing that she had never
been sexually abused. It is noted that her denial does not appear related to
poor rapport with the interviewer or embarrassment, as she was open and answered
multiple questions about drug/alcohol abuse, family relationships, and dating
relationships which contained sensitive questions without any apparent
discomfort. At 17, Laura again denied any terrible or unusual experiences
including sexual abuse. Visitation had been increased with her father as Laura
indicated that she felt good about spending time with her father.
At age 18, Laura had a conversation with boyfriend in which they discussed their
earliest memories. Her boyfriend asked her about her earliest memory with her
father. Laura reported that this question elicited a strange reaction: "I told
him and then all of sudden I got this really overwhelming feeling, like that
was, that was really weird and like, and I just shut up and didn't say anything
more"
Partial recall of the memory returned in the school office while talking with a
trusted teacher about her father's drinking. Her recall consisted largely of her
father kissing her along with a compelling sense that there was a sexual
component to the interaction with her father. At the same time, she felt a fear
of her father that she didn't ever remember feeling before.
The memory was not suggested by a therapist and there were no apparent rewards
for remembering the abuse which created a great deal of pain and confusion for
Laura, especially concerning her feelings about her father.
Feldman-Summers, S., & Pope, K. S. (1994). The experience of forgetting
childhood abuse: A national survey of psychologists. Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology, 62, 636-639.
Abstract: A national sample of psychologists were asked whether they had been
abused as children and, if so, whether they had ever forgotten some or all of
the abuse. Almost a quarter of the sample (23.9%) reported childhood abuse, and
of those, approximately 40% reported a period of forgetting some or all of the
abuse. The major findings were that (a) both sexual and nonsexual abuse were
subject to periods of forgetting; (b) the most frequently reported factor
related to recall was being in therapy; (c) approximately one half of those who
reported forgetting also reported corroboration of the abuse; and (d) reported
forgetting was not related to gender or age of the respondent but was related to
severity of the abuse.
Summary: 330 psychologists. 24% physical and 22% sexual abuse. Of those abused,
40% did not remember at some time. 47% had corroboration. 56% said psychotherapy
aided in recall. Differences between those who first recalled abuse in therapy
and those who recalled it elsewhere were not significant.
Herman, J. L., & Harvey, M. R. (1997). Adult memories of childhood trauma: A
naturalistic clinical study. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 10, 557-571.
The clinical evaluations of 77 adult outpatients reporting memories of childhood
trauma were reviewed. A majority of patients reported some degree of continuous
recall. Roughly half (53%) said they had never forgotten the traumatic events.
Two smaller groups described a mixture of continuous and delayed recall (17%) or
a period of complete amnesia followed by delayed recall (16%). Patients with and
without delayed recall did not differ significantly in the proportions reporting
corroboration of their memories from other sources. Idiosyncratic,
trauma-specific reminders and recent life crises were most commonly cited as
precipitants to delayed recall. A previous psychotherapy was cited as a factor
in a minority (28%) of cases. By contrast, intrusion of memories after a period
of amnesia was frequently cited as a factor leading to the decision to seek
psychotherapy. The implications of these findings are discussed with respect to
the role of psychotherapy in the process of recovering traumatic memories.
Herman, J. L., & Schatzow, E. (1987). Recovery and verification of memories of
childhood sexual trauma. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 4, 1-14.
Abstract: Fifty-three women outpatients participated in short-term therapy
groups for incest survivors. This treatment modality proved to be a powerful
stimulus for recovery of previously repressed traumatic memories. A relationship
was observed between the age of onset, duration, and degree of violence of the
abuse and the extent to which the memory of the abuse had been repressed. Three
out of four patients were able to validate their memories by obtaining
corroborating evidence from other sources. The therapeutic function of
recovering and validating traumatic memories is explored.
Kluft, R. (1995). The confirmation and disconfirmation of memories of abuse in
DID patients: A naturalistic clinical study. Dissociation: Progress in the
Dissociative Disorders, 8(4), 253-258.
Abstract: Reviewed the charts of 34 dissociative identity disorder (DID)
patients in treatment for instances of the confirmation or disconfirmation of
recalled episodes of abuse occurring naturalistically in the course of their
psychotherapies. 19 Ss had instances of the confirmation of recalled abuses. 10
of the 19 had always recalled the abuses that were confirmed. However, 13 of the
19 obtained documentation of events that were recovered in the course of
therapy, usually with the use of hypnosis. Three patients had instances in which
the inaccuracy of their recollection could be demonstrated. Results suggest that
stances that are either extremely credulous of retrieved recollections or
extremely skeptical of retrieved recollections are inconsistent with clinical
data.
Lewis, D., Yeager, C., Swica, Y., Pincus, J. and Lewis, M. (1997). Objective
documentation of child abuse and dissociation in 12 murderers with dissociative
identity disorder. Am J Psychiatry, 154(12):1703-10.
OBJECTIVE: The skepticism regarding the existence of dissociative identity
disorder as well as the abuse that engenders it persists for lack of objective
documentation. This is doubly so for the disorder in murderers because of issues
of suspected malingering. This article presents objective verification of both
dissociative symptoms and severe abuse during childhood in a series of adult
murderers with dissociative identity disorder.
METHOD: This study consisted of a review of the clinical records of 11 men and
one woman with DSM-IV-defined dissociative identity disorder who had committed
murder. Data were gathered from medical, psychiatric, social service, school,
military, and prison records and from records of interviews with subjects'
family members and others. Handwriting samples were also examined. Data were
analyzed qualitatively.
RESULTS: Signs and symptoms of dissociative identity disorder in childhood and
adulthood were corroborated independently and from several sources in all 12
cases; objective evidence of severe abuse was obtained in 11 cases. The subjects
had amnesia for most of the abuse and underreported it. Marked changes in
writing style and/or signatures were documented in 10 cases.
CONCLUSIONS: This study establishes, once and for all, the linkage between early
severe abuse and dissociative identity disorder. Further, the data demonstrate
that the disorder can be distinguished from malingering and from other
disorders. The study shows that it is possible, with great effort, to obtain
objective evidence of both the symptoms of dissociative identity disorder and
the abuse that engenders it.
Martinez-Taboas, A. (1996). Repressed memories: Some clinical data contributing
toward its elucidation. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 50(2), 217-30.
Abstract: Recently there has been considerable controversy about the validity of
memories recovered during psychotherapy. In the last two decades, a plethora of
studies have been published that leave no reasonable doubt that many children
are victimized and abused. Proponents of false memory syndrome have taken the
position that "memories" that surface in the course of psychotherapy are not the
product of real traumas, but are instead,"pseudomemories" implanted by
therapists through techniques such as hypnosis and abreactions. In response to
these claims, the author presents two well documented and corroborated cases of
dissociated or delayed memories of child sexual abuse in patients with a
diagnosis of Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID). The patients had absolutely
no conscious memory of their childhood abusive experiences and in both cases the
author obtained definite and clear cut independent corroboration of the
realities of the abuse. The amnesia was documented and memories were recovered
in the course of treatment. Only through the publication of clear cut cases can
the debate about repressed memories be settled in an empirical way.
Van der Kolk, BA, & Fisler, R. (1995). Dissociation and the fragmentary nature
of traumatic memories: Overview and exploratory study. Journal of Traumatic
Stress, 8, 505-525.
Summary: 46 adults with in depth interviews. Of the 36 with childhood trauma,
42% suffered significant or total amnesia at some time. Corroborative evidence
was available for 75%.
Viederman M. (1995). The reconstruction of a repressed sexual molestation fifty
years later. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 43(4):
1169-1219.
Summary: Reconstruction of a previously completely repressed memory of sexual
molestation. Six years following termination of analysis, the patient wrote a
letter describing a confirmation of the event, now sixty years past, from the
sole other survivor of the period who had knowledge of what had happened.
Westerhof, Y., Woertman, L. Van der Hart, O., & Nijenhuis, E.R.S. (2000).
Forgetting child abuse: Feldman-Summers and Pope's (1994) study replicated among
Dutch psychologists. Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, 7, 220-229.
Abstract: In a replication of Feldman-Summers and Pope's (1994) national survey
of American psychologists on 'forgetting' childhood abuse, a Dutch sample of 500
members of the Netherlands Institute of Psychologists (NIP) were asked if they
had been abused as children and, if so, whether they had ever forgotten some or
all of the abuse for soem significant period of time. As compared to the 23.9%
in the original study, 13.3% reported childhood abuse. Of that subgroup, 39% (as
compared to 40% in the original study) reported a period of forgetting some or
all of the abuse for a period of time. Both sexual and non-sexual physical abuse
were subject to forgetting, which in 70% of cases was reversed while being in
therapy. Almost 70% of those who reported forgetting also reported corroboration
of the abuse. The forgetting was not related to gender or age, but was
associated with the reported early abuse onset. These results were remarkably
similar to the resulats of the Feldman-Summers and Pope's original study.
Widom, C. and Shepard, R. (1996). Accuracy of adult recollections of childhood
victimization: Part 1. Psychological Assessment, 8(4), 412-421.
Abstract: Using data from a study with prospective-cohorts design in which
children who were physically abused, sexually abused, or neglected about 20
years ago were followed up along with a matched control group, accuracy of adult
recollections of childhood physical abuse was assessed. Two hour in-person
interviews were conducted in young adulthood with 1,196 of the original 1,575
participants. Two measures (including the Conflict Tactics Scale) were used to
assess histories of childhood physical abuse. Results indicate good discriminant
validity and predictive efficiency of the self-report measures, despite
substantial underreporting by physically abused respondents. Tests of construct
validity reveal shared method variance, with self-report measures predicting
self-reported violence and official reports of physical abuse predicting arrests
for violence. Findings are discussed in the context of other research on the
accuracy of adult recollections of childhood experiences.
Widom, C. and Shepard, R. (1997). Accuracy of adult recollections of childhood
victimization. Part 2. Childhood sexual abuse. Psychological Assessment 9:
34-46.
Summary: A prospective study in which abused and neglected children (court
substantiated) [N=1,114] were matched with non-abused and neglected children and
followed into adulthood. There was substantial underreporting of sexual abuse,
when compared to court and medical records. Victimization recall was checked by
comparing crimes disclosed in victimization surveys found in police records. The
question should be not whether reports of childhood sexual abuse are valid or
not, but what is the best way to ask questions to make answers more valid.
Williams, L. M. (1995, October). Recovered memories of abuse in women with
documented child sexual victimization histories. Journal of Traumatic Stress,
8(4).
Abstract: This study provides evidence that some adults who claim to have
recovered memories of sexual abuse recall actual events that occurred in
childhood. One hundred twenty-nine women with documented histories of sexual
victimization in childhood were interviewed and asked about abuse history.
Seventeen years following the initial report of the abuse, 80 of the women
recalled the victimization. One in 10 women (16% of those who recalled the
abuse) reported that at some time in the past they had forgotten about the
abuse. Those with a prior period of forgetting the women with "recovered
memories" were younger at the time of abuse and were less likely to have
received support from their mothers than the women who reported that they had
always remembered their victimization. The women who had recovered memories and
those who had always remembered had the same number of discrepancies when their
accounts of the abuse were compared to the reports from the early 1970's.
REFERENCE
Brown, D., Scheflin, A., and Whitfield, C. (1999). Recovered memories: the
current weight of the evidence in science and in the courts. The Journal of
Psychiatry & Law 27/Spring 1999.
L. Crook, 8/02